In the past few years, a cluster of books and articles has appeared analyzing “woke” as a cultural phenomenon. Even though there is no consensus around its meaning, most analysts agree that it is in essence a mutation within “identity politics.” Woke pursues social justice primarily on the axes of race, gender, and sexuality, much as identity politics has, but in a more militant and intolerant way. Whereas identity politics was always narrower in its ambitions than the more traditional left, it tended to peacefully coexist with both socialist and liberal traditions. Its woke descendant takes a hostile stance to both and is more strident in pressing its social and cultural goals. It is far less hesitant to restrict speech and ascribe motives; it is more skeptical, even pessimistic, about overcoming cultural or racial barriers, and more draconian in narrowing the range of debate.

The rise of woke culture has elicited a great deal of discussion and debate. Much of this has focused on its redefinition of progressivism. Less common has been an analysis of its social roots and institutional propellers. But if the phenomenon is to be properly explained, rather than simply described, some analysis of its genesis and social foundations is needed.

On the Left, woke culture is often presented as an aggressive pursuit of social justice, while on the Right, it is seen as a deformation, a result of the Marxist takeover of civic and educational institutions. But as I will argue, it is neither. In contrast to its left-wing defenders, I will suggest that it expresses a profound narrowing of what counts as social redress; and against the Right, I will show that its success is due to the retreat of the radical Left, not its hegemony. Woke culture is the organic ideology of a narrow elite, drunk with power, and backed by the key power centers of American politics.